16 Mart 2012 Cuma

Crete in the Ottoman Administration Before The Population Exchange


             


Crete in the Ottoman Administration Before The Population Exchange*
                                                                       Associate Professor A. Nükhet ADIYEKE
            With the beginning of the Crete Occupation in 1645 the two large centers of the island Chania and Rethymno befell under Ottoman rule.  Yet, the Ottoman rule over Candia would only take place in the autumn of the year 1669. Ottoman soldiers fought with Venetians in Crete for over twenty-five years.
            The Turks completed their efforts of Ottoman Sovereignty over Crete in 1669 with the take-over of Candia. However, the establishment of Ottoman Sovereignty began much early in line with the capturing of Rethymno and Chania1. The Island of Crete, from the first moment, was organized with a different method and was established with a unique structure. The fact that the Ottoman Empire did not collect taxes from the island like it normally would from other geographies and that it maintained a specialized institutionalization administratively, are all results of its exceptional structure.
            Crete is a geography which was last to join Ottoman territory and which was the loosest regarding the control over its sovereignty.  These characteristics show themselves not only in the administrative pattern of the Island under the rule of Ottomans, but also in the island’s social structure. The primary data regarding this subject were retrieved from the Crete Judicial Records that can be found in the Vikelea Library in Iraklion and the Regional Directorate of Foundations in Istanbul.
            17th century Crete Judicial Records indicate that during the preparation of the bureaucratic and political Ottoman administration in the Island, registries and territory allocations were highly common and efforts were executed in order to form the social structure that Ottoman sovereignty was based upon. Again the same records illustrate that right after the Ottoman occupation, the local population experienced a rigorous period in which they accepted Islam as their religion.  The Ottoman Empire had not executed its “şenlendirme-merriment” (exile, forced migration) policy of forcing Muslim populations from Anatolia to migrate to newly occupied lands (especially the newly acquired lands in the Balkans), in Crete. However, the growth of a significant Muslim population hundred years after the island’s takeover can only be explained through this religious conversion period.  Various bureaucratic officials coming from the Ottoman center to the Island and ‘kapıkulu’ soldiers (Ottoman soldiers who were collected in childhood by the Sultan from foreign families and converted into Islam) who settled in the island and married Greek women, developed the seed of the Muslim population.  On the other hand the rapid acceptance of Islam amongst the locals had also increased the Muslim population growth.
            Within this framework in order to form a Muslim segment in the society: two methods   rarely employed by the Ottomans, were in this case highly utilized. The first one being the permission of mass religious conversion[2]2.  The second one being marriages between the communities (Muslims and Greeks).
            It is recognized that the high rate of religious conversion in Candia and Rethymno in the 17th century was exploited as a public policy, in order to form the balance of population (Muslim- Non Muslim) in the Island. With the purpose of realizing this policy such establishments as local janissary, cannoneer  and artillery units along with castle guardianship were used as tools. Hence, in a short period of time the Island’s social structure experienced a drastic ethnic transformation and a significant Muslim population was formed by the end of the century. As a matter of fact, the decrease in the records and examples of religious conversion, and their cut off at one point suggest that the state’s population balance policy was successfully completed.
            The Crete judicial records also indicate that the marriages between the Muslim men and Christian women            were high in number. The sum of these marriages differ according to the ages. Records kept right after the occupation of Crete specify that there were a high number of Muslim- non Muslim marriages (mixed marriages).  These types of marriages, even though they later became highly rare, continued until the second quarter of the 19th century. Parallel to the conflicts in the Island, these kind of marriages diminished after the year of 1821.[3]
            The Greek women in Crete started marrying the Muslim men without converting their religion. However the children who were born under the Islamic law, were unquestionably accepted as Muslim.  On the other hand, even though these marriages just seem like a marriage of two different people, they were in fact a union of two people who came from the same society and community, and who only happened to be of two different religions.
The hospitable relations of Muslims and Greeks in the other territories of the Ottoman Empire had transformed into a joint and united society. Even though Greeks and Muslims generally lived in separate neighborhoods and villages in Anatolia, the Muslims and Greeks of Crete maintained a common and mutual life. Even though the official written language in the Island was Turkish and, although Turkish education along with the activities of press was considered highly important, the language that was spoken amongst the communities was Greek. Greek was not only a language used between the Muslims and the Greeks, but it was also a language that was spoken between the Muslims themselves[4]. The common language the Island population spoke is the Dor dialect of Greek[5]. It was decided that the official written language of the island would have to be both the languages due to “… the exclusive usage of Greek by most of the Muslim and Christian communities[6]. Although at this date the official languages were accepted as both Turkish and Greek, the Muslims insisted on executing their educational and cultural activities in Turkish[7].  The differentiation between the two elements in the island “… was primarily and evidently written language, not the spoken one”[8].  Because, the Island’s Muslim population wrote their spoken language (Greek) with the Arabic alphabet[9].
            The other important point that must be dwelled upon is that there was a distinct social and economic relationship between the two Island populations (Muslim and Christian communities). Beginning from the sovereignty of the Ottoman administration in Crete, the right of private property ownership was bestowed upon the local population. In the case records regarding Property ownership, especially in the initial journals, records such as “the property that has been owned by myself for 10 years”, “the property that I have inherited from my father” can be found.  Consequentially, it can be observed that the granted right of maintaining the property previously owned by the owners led to strong economic relationships between the communities. It is possible to follow the exchange of goods, numerous commercial partnerships from the early judicial records[10].  The intense interaction between the two elements in such a short time can only be explained by the continuation of an already existing affiliation. In other words, it is essential to understand that these legal liaisons including marriage are not the relationships between two completely different groups, but the relationships between two groups who feed off the same source, a source with a unique core, especially in light of the process of religious conversion.
            As a result of this transposition, we can observe that the family member names of the population are mixed. For example, the person with the name of Abdullah or Ramazan, can have a brother by the name of Yorgo or Yanni who has gone to court due to a dispute. A child can have a grandmother who is Christian and another grandmother who is Muslim.
            Through this way, the Island preserved a Muslim population segment until the 18th century.  It is arguable though if the island’s population increased in favor of the Muslims until the year of 1821. Although we do not hold definitive data, the statements of the Western travelers regarding the Island indicate that the Island maintained a population of 300.000 until the second half of the XVIII. Century and that the Muslims held the majority of the population by a ratio of 3/5[11].
            Beginning from 1821, it is observed that the population of the Island and the ratio of the Muslims decreased heavily. Approximately in 10 years, the population of the Island decreased from 260.000 to 200.000 and the Muslim element shrank between 50-60 thousand[12].
            The first official publication belonging to Crete, which is the provincial annual records, denotes that the total Island population was 227.880. The distribution of this total to vicinities is shown in the table below[13].            
Sanjaks
Muslims
Christians
Jews
Chania
18.102
30.187
    345
Sfakia
 1.155
22.284

Rethymno
10.803
20.293

Candia
53.233
33.481

Lashiti
 8.453
29.544

Total
91.746
135.789
      345
General Total
227.880


Sanjaks
Muslims
Christians
Jews
Protestants
Catholics
Women
Men
General Total
 Chania
17.508
42.449
525
15
197
29.714
30.983
60.697
Sfakia
1.014
29.607



15.185
15.436
30.621
 Rethymno
12.946
33.105
31

5
23.316
22.775
46.091
 Candia
32.769
54.244
52
2
52
42.753
44.366
87.119
 Lashiti
8.368
43.301
38


25.790
25.917
50.707
 In Monasteries

894



141
753
894
In Tekkes
147




6
141
147
Gendarmaries
543
854




1.397
1.397
 In Prisons
152
292



14
430
444
In  Hospitals
40
35



25
50
75
Total
73.487
204.781
646
17
254
136.944
142.248
279.192
            


























The Results of the 1881 Census

The census carried out with the decision of the provincial government of the Island at the end of 1881, indicates that the total population was 279.192. This total was comprised of %73 Christian, %26 Muslim and %1 as other. The results of this census created a considerable reaction from the center of the Ottoman administration and there were claims that the Muslims were deliberately printed as incomplete[14].      

            Between the years of 1900 and 1908 the rapid decrease of the Muslim population diminished. In the 1900 census the Muslims who held a population of 33.496 increased to 37.000 in the year of 1908[15].
            According to the results of the census performed in 1911 the total population of the island is 336.151. Among this total, the Christian population is 307.812 (%91), the Muslim population 27.852 (%8) and the Jewish population is 487 (%1)[16]. The distribution of the 1911 population to the vicinities is shown in the table below[17].
Sanjaks
Muslims
Greek
Jews
Chania
8.810
57.927
422
Sfakia
      29
34.998
-
Rethymno
4.954
56.382
   3
Candia
              12.655
98.298
62
Lashiti
1.404
61.207
-
Total
              27.852
             307.812
                 487
           
The census of the Island indicates that there is a low percentage of a Catholic and Jewish population. Albeit the majority of an Orthodox population in the Island beginning from the Roman Empire, every state that strived to gain control of the Island showed efforts to decrease the population of this sect. The Venetians had brought with them a high number of Catholics and tried to spread its culture. However, after the end of Venetian reign this impact was highly weakened[18].
            The Island’s Muslim population was comprised of a majority of the Sunni sect by a ratio of %80 by the end of the XIX. Century. The other %20 was members of the Bektashi Order.  It was Horosani-zade Mevlana Dervish Ali Dede who brought the Bektashi Order to Crete. This man who was a volunteer in the Ottoman Army that took over Crete, formed the Horasan Dervish Lodge 3,5 km south of Candia, a place constructed with the efforts of Ghazi Hüseyin Paşa. The order was brought to the Island in this manner and was spread all over the Island in a short period of time.  Following Horasanizade, Seyyid Mehmed Emin Baba lead the expansion of the Bektashi Order in Crete[19]. Moreover, it is understood that a Dervish Lodge was created in Chania by Şeyh Süleyman Şemsi Dede and that starting from 1880 the Mevlana Order had gradually found its way through the Muslim community[20].
            Furthermore, it is determined that during the 19th. Century, especially during the reign of Kavalalı Mehmet Ali Pasha in the Island, African (Libya, Ethiopia etc) Muslim immigrants were brought to the island.  Significant portions of these immigrants were Muslim slaves to Muslim families. On the other hand it is necessary to point out that Crete was an important slave trade center during this period and in prior periods.
            In the 19th century a total of  160 mosques and 250 churches and monasteries existed through out  the Province of Crete. The mosques were specifically built around the centers of vicinities such as Candia, Chania, Rethymno and Lashiti.  There was a church in each vicinity center belonging to the Greeks and a monastery in each county and settlement inhabited by the Greeks.  The Jewish community had three synagogues, two in Chania and one in Candia[21].
            The literacy rate of the general population and especially of that in the countryside was very low. Apart from the few lucky Christian and Muslim youths who studied in the schools of Athens or Istanbul, the public lacked the means to follow the local press. The Greek population was luckier than the Muslims regarding this issue.  For the reason that the total of  Greek youths who went to Greece for their education and who took positions as government officials after returning to the island, was higher[22].
            The island of Crete was a state of vast economic privileges under the rule of the Ottomans.  This privilege that the state possessed in the economic structure of the Ottoman Empire, was maintained with small modifications that were made in each revision by the center.  The core of the economic structure was based on olive production and olive produce along with exports. Hence, the olive tithe and customs were the primary income for the Ottoman central treasury. In all regulations brought forth originating from the center and regarding the economic structure, the issues of swapping over these two sources were discussed between the Ottoman central bureaucracy and the provincial administration.
            Depending on the production of olive in the Island, the many workshops that were laboring in poor conditions were situated in counties and villages.  The total of these workshops were approximately 3.560 according to the provincial annual records conducted in 1876[23]. The businesses that can be qualified as oil factories reached a total of 120[24].  A significant portion of these businesses performed the production of oil and soap simultaneously. The soap of Crete was a favored and sought after soap in the east. Therefore we can state that the production and trade of soap was as important as the production and trade of oil. There were a total of 45 soap workshops that were generally concentrated in city centers, especially in Candia and Rethymno[25]. The industry of soap took off in the first quarter of the XVIII. century. It developed into a business in a very short period[26]. Muslims, Greeks and Jews managed the soap factories[27].
             The social structure in Crete indicates that there was an evident social differentiation amongst the Christians along with the Muslims. The villagers of the Island were mainly employed within the olive industry, thus they were able to earn a living through  their partial profit in the productive years of the olive oil. During the unproductive years they spent their time spending their earnings from the previous year and were mainly left penniless[28].
            Great portions of the city population were either Muslims who were landowners or Greeks who were occupied with trade.  Whilst the conditions of living in the country were getting ever more difficult for the countryside population, the city population rapidly increased its wealth after the development of commercial relations in the XVIII century[29].  Another factor, which markedly raised the economic affluence of the city population, was the development in the soap industry starting form the XVIII. century. The Turks and the Greeks were practically competing with each other and in the meantime were becoming wealthier[30].

*
*          *
            The headings we have been trying to put forth up to his point show that until the beginning of the 19th century, the two societies coming from the same roots who differed firstly through religion and eventually through ethnicity, had a very powerful relationship. However, beginning from the 19th century all the all the historical phases, policies, struggles, conflicts that we have known had in fact a much more painful impact.  Because, the people of Crete who experienced these conflicts were people who nourished from the same core and who were an example of a society living peacefully together. Grand policies and ideologies suddenly alienated these sibling societies. It created a superficial ‘other’ identity. These sibling societies were transformed into the instruments of the grand policies of grand states.
            The springing of nationalistic trends and the Greek independence movement effected Crete and the altered identity definitions of the two societies became more distinctive; consequently the close public and social relationships were replaced by nationalistic struggles and conflicts. In short, the relations between the communities abruptly turned towards the opposite direction.
            The uprisings of revolutionary character against the Ottoman sovereignty in Crete, started in 1821 parallel to the Greek War of Independence named as the Greek revolt in Ottoman sources. While Independent Greece’s borders were mapped in the Treaty of London on the 3rd of February 1830, a lot of places where the Greeks inhabited like Crete were left out of these borders.
            The effects of these developments in Crete were as such: after the establishment of Ottoman sovereignty in the Island a stagnant period prevailed. The efforts of the “Filiki Eterya” association passed on its effects of the Greek War of Independence up until Crete[31].
            This spark turned into a great fire in a very short period of time. Because the local forces were insufficient in suppressing the revolt that spread first to Isfakiye and then to Chania, the support of the Mayor of Egypt Mehmet Ali Pasha was requested[32].
            Thus, the instigated revolts in Crete and the internal problems caused a huge loss for the Island people economically and socially. There was not a day in the island without a revolt, hence the produce could not be accumulated, commerce could not take place and the taxes could not be collected. Even the endeavor of renewed reforms through the intervention of Europe was not sufficient to put out this fire.
Consequentially one the objectives of the events that happened was to force the Island’s Muslim population into immigration. Thus the period of flight began for the Island’s rapidly increasing Muslim population at the end of the 19th century. The last jolt that put an end to the Muslim population in the Island, was of course the Lausanne Treaty and the phases of the population exchange.
One of the most important factors that influenced the population data between 1896 and 1908, was the internal and external migration occurrences. Segments who could not sustain their lives in the rural areas under these extraordinary circumstances, were amassed in groups to city and town centers and this accumulation influenced negatively the on-going developments in social terms, economic terms and terms of internal security.
The reason of the events causing internal migration, were the loot and assaults made against the other community’s goods and properties, which composed these reciprocal annihilations. These attacks that particularly increased in 1896, lead to a point in which the people living in rural areas could no longer take shelter in their own homes and terrain. The Muslims, who lived in the rural areas, particularly took refuge in city centers such as Chania and Candia as crowds[33].
            While the Muslims of rural areas amassed in cities, the Orthodox population set off to the areas the Muslims evacuated in these regions. “While the 3.500 Orthodox population of Chania dropped to 100, the Muslim population increased from 9.500 to 20.000[34]. The accumulated Muslim population in the cities, were granted security by the European states who had seized control of the Island. However, because this guarantee was only applicable to cities the people could not leave the city, they could not even travel to the mill out of the city. They had to stake their own lives to do this. The Muslim residents could not even obtain their food; they had to continue their lives experiencing hunger[35].
            Towards the end of 1897 with the start of the cold weather, the stacked Muslims in cities became also an element of threat for internal security. Especially in Candia, the events of burglary and looting escalated and events arose that would create excuses for the intervention of the Large States[36]. In the month of August in 1898, hundreds of Greeks and Muslims lost their lives during the events that happened in Candia, furthermore the British consulate got it’s own share from this turmoil when the British consul and his family lost their lives.
            After the complete evacuation of the Ottoman soldiers and officials of the Island in the month of November in 1898, the safe return of the Muslims to their villages was granted. However by this time, the large portion of the Muslim population, which had took shelter in, the coastal strip had already migrated to Anatolia.
            The Muslim migration to Anatolia, which rapidly increased after 1896, not only affected the western and southern coasts of Anatolia but also alarmed the Aegean Islands under Turkish rule. During the May of 1898, when the Muslim population was only 40-50 in Rhodes and İstanköy[37], suddenly towards the end of 1898 the population reached 1500[38]. In the December of 1898, it was informed to Istanbul by the Province of Aydın that the number of immigrants coming to Anatolia through Izmir exceeded a few hundred people each week[39].
            Because of the end of the Ottoman social and cultural imprints along with the end of the Ottoman Muslim population, the state deemed its objective as preventing migration.  Firstly it financially assisted the activities of the Aid Association of Crete Indigent Muslims. On the other hand, it was decided that compensation would be provided for those who reclaimed their property that was damaged during the revolts[40]. By this way, it was assumed that the financial relations with the Island would be revived.
            Meanwhile the Greeks of Crete announced “boykotaj”  (boycotts) against the Muslim community as a last strike in order to force the migration of the Muslims[41]. Boykotaj showed its effects rapidly between 1910-11 by causing the Muslim population to fall under 30.000 (27.852 in 1911).
            In 1913, after the establishment of Greek sovereignty in the Island the last phase for the Island Muslims was between 1914 and 1917. The siding of the Ottoman State with Germany when the First World War broke out obliterated the fractional harmony in the Island. With the influence of the Greek immigrants coming from Anatolia, the Muslim minority was left under great pressure.  Mosques, schools were invaded and the Muslim cemetery in Chania was thrashed[42].  Consequently the right of living of the Muslim minority in the Island was completely eradicated. The inclusion of Crete in the 1924 Turkish-Greek exchange was a sign that this wound was still bleeding during the time.
            The Exchange process was the utmost troubling event for the Muslim community in Crete just as it was for the Muslims in Greece. The community did not know how to migrate, where to go and what to take with them, so they applied to the authorities in search of answers. At this point the activities of the organization of the Muslim community in the Island “Cemaat-ı İslamiye” should be mentioned. Just like in Greece, the congregation administration in Crete was operated under the law of 1920/2345 and was in charge of the religious education and foundation activities and the Mufti responsibilities for Muslims. During this period the Congregation administration took over an important mission and tried to collaborate with the Mixed Exchange Commission with the intention of relieving the Muslim community and obtaining detailed information regarding the exchange process[43].
            The administrations of Cemaat-ı Islamiye were on one hand trying to relieve the anxieties of the community and on the other hand were dealing with the liquidation procedures of securities and real estate belonging to the foundation and congregation administrations. The immovables belonging to the foundations were subjected to liquidation through liquidation appeals. Other goods and especially securities developed into a large issue for congregation administrations. Valuables and movables among objects like carpets, rugs, chandelier, furniture, belongings and books were to be packaged and brought along. However the immovables had to be sold through auction in a short period of time.
            During the date the implementation of exchange was realized, the Cemaat-ı İslamiye Administrations carried out the activities of the foundations they were responsible for, meticulously. On the other hand the properties of orphans under the responsibilities of the Cemaat-ı İslamiye Administration had to be sold and their procedures of exchange had to be prepared. The Congregation Administration warned the guardians delegated to the orphans regarding this solution of issue without violating this article[44]. Also, in order to accomplish the exchange procedures for orphans and financially unfortunate families, the travel expenses of these people were provided by the congregation budgets as “extraordinary expenses”[45]. Thus until the last congregation member abandoned the region, the legal and financial rights of the Muslim Turkish community were protected through all efforts.
            In conclusion, even though the exchange treaties tore away millions from their homeland and pulled them into uncertainty, in Crete this period appears as an unavoidable end. For the reason that the escape of Muslims from Crete had started 50 years prior to the treaty. The Exchange was not actually a beginning for the last remaining Muslim population in Crete, but it was the final curtain of a scene that had been recurring and experienced for fifty years.


* This article was published in Common Cultural Heritage, the Foundation of Lausanne Treaty Emigrants, 2005, pp.208-215.
1  The judiciary records of Resmo can be dated back to 1645. See: A. Nükhet Adıyeke/Nuri Adıyeke; “Newly Discovered in Turkish Archives: Kadi Registers and Other Documents on Crete”, TURCICA, Tome:32, 2000, pp.447-463. The oldest Crete judiciary record that was published by Nikos Stavrinidis dates back to 1657. See: Nikolaou Sturinidou; MetafraseiV Tourkikwn Istorikwn Eggrafwn, Vol.1 (1657-1672), Iraklion 1975.
[2] Regarding this subject, Ayşe Nükhet Adıyeke, “The Religios Conversion Movements and Ethnic Evoloution According to the 17th Century Crete (Resmo) Judiciary Records”,  (In Turkish) XIV. Turkish History Congress,  typed paper

[3] Regarding this subject, Nuri Adıyeke, “Mixed Marriages ın Crete”, (In Turkish), Kebikeç, Issue 16, 2003, pp.17-25.
[4] Tahmiscizade Mehmet Macit Efendi, explains that many of the Crete Muslims who came to Turkey were regarded as foreigners because they did not speak Turkish. Memories of Crete, (Pub. Edit: İsmet Miroğlu, İlhan Şahin), (In Turkish) İstanbul, 1977, p. 32.
[5] Cuinet; La Turquie d'Asie, Vol.I, Paris 1892, 
[6] Düstur I/1; Crete Provincial Regulations, I. Chapter, Gatherings of Mixed Cases, p.665.
[7] Cuinet; ibid, Vol.I,  p.537.
[8] Bernard Lewis; The Emergence of Modern Turkey, Oxford Universty Pres, London, 1961, p.420.
[9] Lewis, same place.
[10] Example: Kadi Register of Rethimno, (KRR) no=56, between years of 1061-67; KRR., no=98, between years of 1075-91.
[11] “Towards 1760 while the Muslim population was 200.000 the christian population was only 60.000.” Victor Berard; Les Affaires de Crete, Paris 1900, p.63; "According to the traveler Savary in 1779 the island population was 350.200-200.000 of these were Muslim, 150.000 christian and 200 were Jewish.” Vital Cuinet; ibid., p.540; Kopasi, does not believe in the Validity of Savary’s numbers. According to him the number given by another French traveler Olivier of the island in 1795, 240.000,  must be more valid. Andrea Kopasi; “Crete’s General Situation and History”,  (In Ottoman Turkish) Mecmua-yı Ebuzziya, Vol.VII/65, p.911.
[12] "In 1834 the population majority belonged to the Greeks. According to the numbers given by Pashley   only 40.000 of the island 129.000 population is muslim.” Georges Perrot;  L'Ile de Crete-Souvenirs de Voyages, Paris 1867, p.253; "In the 1822 census there is a population of 266.000. After 10 years 60.700 were Muslim, and the rest 144.800 were Greek” Ahmet Rıfat; Dictionary of History and Geography, “Clause of Crete”, (In Ottoman Turkish) Vol.VI, Istanbul 1300, p.81.
[13] Provincial Annual Records of Crete, (Salname-i Vilayet-i Girid) 1293 (1876), (In Ottoman Turkish) p.131-132.
[14] Government Ottoman Archive (BOA)., Y.E.E., envelope no=114, document no=2218, 21 March 1897.
[15] Venizelos, "10 Years Autonomy in Crete", Khrux (Kiriks)11/24 May 1908 Ζωη Μητσοτακη; Ο Δημοσιογραφος Ελευθεριος Βενιζελος Στα Χρονια Της Κρητης  1887-1910, Αθηνα ,1992, p.233.
[16] Ahenk (İzmir), 21 February 1912; F. Giese; "Crete", The Encyclopeadia of Islam, Vol.III, Lyden 1913, p.879. Svoronos'  writing of Greeks Population and Census states that this total is the result of the 1913 census.. Svoronos; Greek population and Census, (In Turkish) Int. M. Galip, Ankara 1935, p.30.
[17] Ahenk (İzmir), same place.
[18] Cemal Tukin; "Crete Revolutions in the Ottoman Empire and Crete until 1821", (In Turkish) Belleten, C.IX, issue: 24 (1945), p.174 etc.
[19] Orhan F. Köprülü; "The Unknown Article of Master Yunus Bey: Publicizing Bektashi in Crete", (In Turkish) Southeastern European Research Review, Issue=8-9 (1979-1980), pp.37-86.
[20] İsmail Kara, “The Mevlevihane of Hanya: The Şeyh Family Grant of the Annex”, (In Turkish) Islam Research Magazine, Issue:1, 1997, pp.115-173.
[21] Provincial Annual Report of Crete; 1293, p.121-123; Ali Cevad; The Dictionary of History and Geography of the Ottoman State, (In Ottoman Turkish) 3 volumes, İstanbul 1314, Vol.I, p.319 and Vol.II, p.625.
[22] Ali Fuat Türkgeldi; Significant Works of Politics, Vol.III, (In Turkish) Editor: Bekir S. Baykal, T.T.K. Pub., Ankara 1987 (2. edition), Appendix, p.200-202.
[23] Provincial Annual Report of Crete; 1293, p.134-135.
[24] Provincial Annual Report of Crete; 1293, p.133-134.
[25] Provincial Annual Report of Crete; 1293, p.133; Cuinet; ibid., Vol.I, p.558; Kopasi; ibid., Mecmua-yı Ebuzziya, Vol.VIII/76, p.1427; Yolande Trıantafyllıdou, "L'Industrie du Savon en Crete au XVIIIe Siecle: Aspects Economiques et Sociaux", Etudes Balkaniques, No= 4. Sofia 1975, p.77 and p.82.
[26] The Soap Industry in this context not only includes the production of soap locally and for usage in homes, but also includes the factories in the town centers as an industry.
[27] Triantafyllidou; ibid, p.77 and p.82.
[28] Turkgeldi; ibid,  Vol.III, From the writings of Mahmud Celaleddin Paşa, Appendix, p.197-198. For a wide range of information about the social structure in Crete cooncerning traditions: Leyla Saz; The Inner Face of The Harem, (In Turkish) Editor. Sadi Borak, Milliyet Pub., 1974, pp.283-295; Paul Combes, L'lle de Crete, Paris 1897, p.107-109.
[29] "Starting from the XVIII. Century some of the Balkan towns that got rich a) were capable of organizing an organized church and community, b) were able to exclude themselves from the central governments control, c) were able to commence a tradition of local administration due to the influence of the city groups that became wealthy through business with Europeans." İlber Ortaylı, The Local Administration Tradition from the Tanzimat Perioad to the Era of the Republic, (In Turkish) Istanbul 1985, p.17.
[30] Triantafyllidou; ibid,  p.82.
[31]In 21 May 1821, 1.400 armed Cretians member to the Filiki Eterya'ya were able to get organize for the first time. " J.D. Mourellos; La Crete Traves les Sciecles, Candia (no date), p.104.
[32] Ahmed Cevdet Paşa; History of Cevdet, (In Turkish) Vol.XII. Istanbul 1309 (2. edition), p.94-95; Mübahat Kütükoğlu; "The Attitude and Outcomes of the Island Greeks During the Greek Revolt"  (In Turkish) III. Millitary History Seminar – Turkish- Greek Relations, p.135 ve 139; Cemal Tukin; "Clause of Crete", (In Turkish) Islam Ansiklopedisi, Vol.IV. p.796; Mithat Işın; Crete and Turks in History, (In Turkish) Deniz Mt., İstanbul 1945, p.50. Furthermore, see the following for more imformation about the role of Crete and the period during the Greek revolt. Iwannou Kondulakh, Istoria   twn Epanastasewn thV KrhthV,  Athen 1901, p.422 etc.
[33] BOA., YA Hus, 356-28.
[34] Johann Strauss, "The Createn Muslims and Their Struggle for Ottomanism: Some Edvince from the Periodical Press", V. Internation Congress of Turkish Social and Economic History, Marmara University 1989, T.T.K., Ankara 1990,  p.56.
[35] BOA., İr. Girit, no= 1207, 8 April 1897.
[36] BOA., İr. Girit, no= 1244, 10 October 1897.
[37] BOA., İr. Girit, no= 1282, 26 May 1898.
[38] BOA., BEO., Collected Records of Crete, no= 1000/62-15, Tezkere no=428, Rumi 1314 (1898); İr. Girit, no=1351, 27 November 1898.
[39] BOA., BEO., Summary Records of Crete, no=998/62-13, series nb=904, Document no=157, 22 December 1898.
[40] BOA., BEO., Collected Records of Crete, no= 1001/62 16, series no=24, Example no=1557, 31 August 1904.
[41] BOA., BEO., Collected Records of Crete, no= 1001/62-16, series nb=27, Example no=1410, 2 October 1909; Ahenk (İzmir); 31 August 1909; Yıldız (Üsküp); Issue= 26 (30 August 1325), p.7.
[42] Strauss; ibid,  p.65
[43] General Directorate of Foundations Istanbul Regional Directorate Archive, (VİBMA) journal no=642, Hanya Journal of Decision Summaries belonging to  the Administration of Islamic Community, decision no=483, 11 November 1923.
[44] VİBMA, journal no=1288, Kandiye  Index of Decision Summary Journals belonging to the Administration of Islamic Community, decision no=3048, 31 December 1923 ve 10 April 1924.
[45] VİBMA, journal no=642, Hanya Decision Summary Journal belonging to the Administration of the Islamic Community, decision no=484, 11 November 1923.