Associate
Professor A. Nükhet ADIYEKE
With the beginning of the Crete
Occupation in 1645 the two large centers of the island Chania and Rethymno
befell under Ottoman rule. Yet, the
Ottoman rule over Candia would only take place
in the autumn of the year 1669. Ottoman soldiers fought with Venetians in Crete for over twenty-five years.
The Turks completed their efforts of
Ottoman Sovereignty over Crete in 1669 with the take-over of Candia .
However, the establishment of Ottoman Sovereignty began much early in line with
the capturing of Rethymno and Chania1.
The Island of Crete Ottoman Empire did not
collect taxes from the island like it normally would from other geographies and
that it maintained a specialized institutionalization administratively, are all
results of its exceptional structure.
17th century Crete
Judicial Records indicate that during the preparation of the bureaucratic and
political Ottoman administration in the Island ,
registries and territory allocations were highly common and efforts were
executed in order to form the social structure that Ottoman sovereignty was
based upon. Again the same records illustrate that right after the Ottoman
occupation, the local population experienced a rigorous period in which they
accepted Islam as their religion. The
Ottoman Empire had not executed its “şenlendirme-merriment” (exile, forced
migration) policy of forcing Muslim populations from Anatolia to migrate to
newly occupied lands (especially the newly acquired lands in the Balkans), in
Crete. However, the growth of a significant Muslim population hundred years
after the island’s takeover can only be explained through this religious
conversion period. Various bureaucratic
officials coming from the Ottoman center to the Island
and ‘kapıkulu’ soldiers (Ottoman soldiers who were collected in childhood by
the Sultan from foreign families and converted into Islam) who settled in the
island and married Greek women, developed the seed of the Muslim
population. On the other hand the rapid
acceptance of Islam amongst the locals had also increased the Muslim population
growth.
Within this framework in order to
form a Muslim segment in the society: two methods rarely employed by the Ottomans, were in
this case highly utilized. The first one being the permission of mass religious
conversion[2]2.
The second one being marriages between the communities (Muslims and
Greeks).
It is recognized that the high rate
of religious conversion in Candia and Rethymno in the 17th century
was exploited as a public policy, in order to form the balance of population
(Muslim- Non Muslim) in the Island . With the
purpose of realizing this policy such establishments as local janissary,
cannoneer and artillery units along with
castle guardianship were used as tools. Hence, in a short period of time the Island ’s social structure experienced a drastic ethnic
transformation and a significant Muslim population was formed by the end of the
century. As a matter of fact, the decrease in the records and examples of
religious conversion, and their cut off at one point suggest that the state’s population
balance policy was successfully completed.
The Crete
judicial records also indicate that the marriages between the Muslim men and
Christian women were high in
number. The sum of these marriages differ according to the ages. Records kept
right after the occupation of Crete specify
that there were a high number of Muslim- non Muslim marriages (mixed
marriages). These types of marriages,
even though they later became highly rare, continued until the second quarter
of the 19th century. Parallel to the conflicts in the Island , these kind of marriages diminished after the year
of 1821.[3]
The Greek women in Crete
started marrying the Muslim men without converting their religion. However the
children who were born under the Islamic law, were unquestionably accepted as
Muslim. On the other hand, even though
these marriages just seem like a marriage of two different people, they were in
fact a union of two people who came from the same society and community, and
who only happened to be of two different religions.
The hospitable relations of Muslims and Greeks in the other territories
of the Ottoman Empire had transformed into a
joint and united society. Even though Greeks and Muslims generally lived in
separate neighborhoods and villages in Anatolia ,
the Muslims and Greeks of Crete maintained a common and mutual life. Even
though the official written language in the Island
was Turkish and, although Turkish education along with the activities of press
was considered highly important, the language that was spoken amongst the
communities was Greek. Greek was not only a language used between the Muslims
and the Greeks, but it was also a language that was spoken between the Muslims
themselves[4].
The common language the Island population
spoke is the Dor dialect of Greek[5].
It was decided that the official written language of the island would have to
be both the languages due to “… the
exclusive usage of Greek by most of the Muslim and Christian communities”[6].
Although at this date the official languages were accepted as both Turkish and
Greek, the Muslims insisted on executing their educational and cultural
activities in Turkish[7]. The differentiation between the two elements
in the island “… was primarily and evidently written language, not the spoken
one”[8]. Because, the Island ’s
Muslim population wrote their spoken language (Greek) with the Arabic alphabet[9].
The other important point that must
be dwelled upon is that there was a distinct social and economic relationship
between the two Island populations (Muslim and
Christian communities). Beginning from the sovereignty of the Ottoman
administration in Crete , the right of private
property ownership was bestowed upon the local population. In the case records
regarding Property ownership, especially in the initial journals, records such
as “the property that has been owned by myself for 10 years”, “the property
that I have inherited from my father” can be found. Consequentially, it can be observed that the
granted right of maintaining the property previously owned by the owners led to
strong economic relationships between the communities. It is possible to follow
the exchange of goods, numerous commercial partnerships from the early judicial
records[10]. The intense interaction between the two
elements in such a short time can only be explained by the continuation of an
already existing affiliation. In other words, it is essential to understand
that these legal liaisons including marriage are not the relationships between
two completely different groups, but the relationships between two groups who
feed off the same source, a source with a unique core, especially in light of
the process of religious conversion.
As a result of this transposition,
we can observe that the family member names of the population are mixed. For
example, the person with the name of Abdullah or Ramazan, can have a brother by
the name of Yorgo or Yanni who has gone to court due to a dispute. A child can
have a grandmother who is Christian and another grandmother who is Muslim.
Through this way, the Island preserved a Muslim population segment until the 18th
century. It is arguable though if the
island’s population increased in favor of the Muslims until the year of 1821.
Although we do not hold definitive data, the statements of the Western travelers
regarding the Island indicate that the Island
maintained a population of 300.000 until the second half of the XVIII. Century
and that the Muslims held the majority of the population by a ratio of 3/5[11].
Beginning from 1821, it is observed
that the population of the Island and the
ratio of the Muslims decreased heavily. Approximately in 10 years, the
population of the Island decreased from
260.000 to 200.000 and the Muslim element shrank between 50-60 thousand[12].
The first official publication
belonging to Crete, which is the provincial annual records, denotes that the
total Island population was 227.880. The
distribution of this total to vicinities is shown in the table below[13].
Sanjaks
|
Muslims
|
Christians
|
Jews
|
Chania
|
18.102
|
30.187
|
345
|
Sfakia
|
1.155
|
22.284
|
|
Rethymno
|
10.803
|
20.293
|
|
Candia
|
53.233
|
33.481
|
|
Lashiti
|
8.453
|
29.544
|
|
Total
|
91.746
|
135.789
|
345
|
General Total
|
227.880
|
||
Sanjaks
|
Muslims
|
Christians
|
Jews
|
Protestants
|
Catholics
|
Women
|
Men
|
General Total
|
Chania
|
17.508
|
42.449
|
525
|
15
|
197
|
29.714
|
30.983
|
60.697
|
Sfakia
|
1.014
|
29.607
|
15.185
|
15.436
|
30.621
|
|||
Rethymno
|
12.946
|
33.105
|
31
|
5
|
23.316
|
22.775
|
46.091
|
|
Candia
|
32.769
|
54.244
|
52
|
2
|
52
|
42.753
|
44.366
|
87.119
|
Lashiti
|
8.368
|
43.301
|
38
|
25.790
|
25.917
|
50.707
|
||
In Monasteries
|
894
|
141
|
753
|
894
|
||||
In
Tekkes
|
147
|
6
|
141
|
147
|
||||
Gendarmaries
|
543
|
854
|
1.397
|
1.397
|
||||
In Prisons
|
152
|
292
|
14
|
430
|
444
|
|||
In
Hospitals
|
40
|
35
|
25
|
50
|
75
|
|||
Total
|
73.487
|
204.781
|
646
|
17
|
254
|
136.944
|
142.248
|
279.192
|
The Results of the 1881 Census
Between the years of 1900 and 1908
the rapid decrease of the Muslim population diminished. In the 1900 census the
Muslims who held a population of 33.496 increased to 37.000 in the year of 1908[15].
According to the results of the
census performed in 1911 the total population of the island is 336.151. Among
this total, the Christian population is 307.812 (%91), the Muslim population
27.852 (%8) and the Jewish population is 487 (%1)[16].
The distribution of the 1911 population to the vicinities is shown in the table
below[17].
Sanjaks
|
Muslims
|
Greek
|
Jews
|
Chania
|
8.810
|
57.927
|
422
|
Sfakia
|
29
|
34.998
|
-
|
Rethymno
|
4.954
|
56.382
|
3
|
Candia
|
12.655
|
98.298
|
62
|
Lashiti
|
1.404
|
61.207
|
-
|
Total
|
27.852
|
307.812
|
487
|
The census of the Island indicates that
there is a low percentage of a Catholic and Jewish population. Albeit the
majority of an Orthodox population in the Island beginning from the Roman
Empire, every state that strived to gain control of the Island showed efforts
to decrease the population of this sect. The Venetians had brought with them a
high number of Catholics and tried to spread its culture. However, after the
end of Venetian reign this impact was highly weakened[18].
The Island ’s
Muslim population was comprised of a majority of the Sunni sect by a ratio of
%80 by the end of the XIX. Century. The other %20 was members of the Bektashi
Order. It was Horosani-zade Mevlana
Dervish Ali Dede who brought the Bektashi Order to Crete .
This man who was a volunteer in the Ottoman Army that took over Crete, formed
the Horasan Dervish Lodge 3,5 km south of Candia ,
a place constructed with the efforts of Ghazi Hüseyin Paşa. The order was
brought to the Island in this manner and was spread all over the Island in a short period of time. Following Horasanizade, Seyyid Mehmed Emin
Baba lead the expansion of the Bektashi Order in Crete [19].
Moreover, it is understood that a Dervish Lodge was created in Chania by Şeyh
Süleyman Şemsi Dede and that starting from 1880 the Mevlana Order had gradually
found its way through the Muslim community[20].
Furthermore, it is determined that
during the 19th. Century, especially during the reign of Kavalalı
Mehmet Ali Pasha in the Island, African (Libya Crete
was an important slave trade center during this period and in prior periods.
In the 19th century a
total of 160 mosques and 250 churches
and monasteries existed through out the Province of Crete Candia ,
Chania, Rethymno and Lashiti. There was
a church in each vicinity center belonging to the Greeks and a monastery in
each county and settlement inhabited by the Greeks. The Jewish community had three synagogues, two
in Chania and one in Candia [21].
The literacy rate of the general
population and especially of that in the countryside was very low. Apart from
the few lucky Christian and Muslim youths who studied in the schools of Athens or Istanbul Greece
The island of Crete Ottoman Empire ,
was maintained with small modifications that were made in each revision by the
center. The core of the economic
structure was based on olive production and olive produce along with exports.
Hence, the olive tithe and customs were the primary income for the Ottoman
central treasury. In all regulations brought forth originating from the center
and regarding the economic structure, the issues of swapping over these two
sources were discussed between the Ottoman central bureaucracy and the
provincial administration.
Depending on the production of olive
in the Island , the many workshops that were
laboring in poor conditions were situated in counties and villages. The total of these workshops were
approximately 3.560 according to the provincial annual records conducted in
1876[23].
The businesses that can be qualified as oil factories reached a total of 120[24]. A significant portion of these businesses
performed the production of oil and soap simultaneously. The soap of Crete was a favored and sought after soap in the east.
Therefore we can state that the production and trade of soap was as important
as the production and trade of oil. There were a total of 45 soap workshops
that were generally concentrated in city centers, especially in Candia and Rethymno[25].
The industry of soap took off in the first quarter of the XVIII. century. It
developed into a business in a very short period[26].
Muslims, Greeks and Jews managed the soap factories[27].
The social structure in Crete
indicates that there was an evident social differentiation amongst the
Christians along with the Muslims. The villagers of the Island
were mainly employed within the olive industry, thus they were able to earn a
living through their partial profit in
the productive years of the olive oil. During the unproductive years they spent
their time spending their earnings from the previous year and were mainly left
penniless[28].
Great portions of the city
population were either Muslims who were landowners or Greeks who were occupied
with trade. Whilst the conditions of
living in the country were getting ever more difficult for the countryside
population, the city population rapidly increased its wealth after the
development of commercial relations in the XVIII century[29]. Another factor, which markedly raised the
economic affluence of the city population, was the development in the soap
industry starting form the XVIII. century. The Turks and the Greeks were
practically competing with each other and in the meantime were becoming
wealthier[30].
*
* *
The
headings we have been trying to put forth up to his point show that until the
beginning of the 19th century, the two societies coming from the
same roots who differed firstly through religion and eventually through
ethnicity, had a very powerful relationship. However, beginning from the 19th
century all the all the historical phases, policies, struggles, conflicts that
we have known had in fact a much more painful impact. Because, the people of Crete
who experienced these conflicts were people who nourished from the same core
and who were an example of a society living peacefully together. Grand policies
and ideologies suddenly alienated these sibling societies. It created a
superficial ‘other’ identity. These sibling societies were transformed into the
instruments of the grand policies of grand states.
The springing of nationalistic
trends and the Greek independence movement effected Crete
and the altered identity definitions of the two societies became more
distinctive; consequently the close public and social relationships were
replaced by nationalistic struggles and conflicts. In short, the relations
between the communities abruptly turned towards the opposite direction.
The uprisings of revolutionary
character against the Ottoman sovereignty in Crete ,
started in 1821 parallel to the Greek War of Independence named as the Greek
revolt in Ottoman sources. While Independent Greece’s borders were mapped in
the Treaty of London on the 3rd of February 1830, a lot of places
where the Greeks inhabited like Crete were
left out of these borders.
The effects of these developments in
Crete were as such: after the establishment of Ottoman sovereignty in the Island a stagnant period prevailed. The efforts of the “Filiki Eterya” association passed on its
effects of the Greek War of Independence up until Crete [31].
This spark turned into a great fire
in a very short period of time. Because the local forces were insufficient in
suppressing the revolt that spread first to Isfakiye and then to Chania, the
support of the Mayor of Egypt Mehmet Ali Pasha was requested[32].
Thus, the instigated revolts in
Crete and the internal problems caused a huge loss for the Island
people economically and socially. There was not a day in the island without a
revolt, hence the produce could not be accumulated, commerce could not take
place and the taxes could not be collected. Even the endeavor of renewed
reforms through the intervention of Europe was
not sufficient to put out this fire.
Consequentially one the objectives of the events that happened was to
force the Island ’s Muslim population into
immigration. Thus the period of flight began for the Island ’s
rapidly increasing Muslim population at the end of the 19th century.
The last jolt that put an end to the Muslim population in the Island ,
was of course the Lausanne Treaty and the phases of the population exchange.
One of the most important factors that influenced the population data
between 1896 and 1908, was the internal and external migration occurrences.
Segments who could not sustain their lives in the rural areas under these
extraordinary circumstances, were amassed in groups to city and town centers
and this accumulation influenced negatively the on-going developments in social
terms, economic terms and terms of internal security.
The reason of the events causing internal migration, were the loot and
assaults made against the other community’s goods and properties, which
composed these reciprocal annihilations. These attacks that particularly
increased in 1896, lead to a point in which the people living in rural areas
could no longer take shelter in their own homes and terrain. The Muslims, who
lived in the rural areas, particularly took refuge in city centers such as
Chania and Candia as crowds[33].
While the Muslims of rural areas
amassed in cities, the Orthodox population set off to the areas the Muslims
evacuated in these regions. “While the
3.500 Orthodox population of Chania dropped to 100, the Muslim population
increased from 9.500 to 20.000”[34]. The accumulated Muslim population in
the cities, were granted security by the European states who had seized control
of the Island . However, because this guarantee
was only applicable to cities the people could not leave the city, they could
not even travel to the mill out of the city. They had to stake their own lives
to do this. The Muslim residents could not even obtain their food; they had to
continue their lives experiencing hunger[35].
Towards the end of 1897 with the
start of the cold weather, the stacked Muslims in cities became also an element
of threat for internal security. Especially in Candia ,
the events of burglary and looting escalated and events arose that would create
excuses for the intervention of the Large States[36].
In the month of August in 1898, hundreds of Greeks and Muslims lost their lives
during the events that happened in Candia ,
furthermore the British consulate got it’s own share from this turmoil when the
British consul and his family lost their lives.
After the complete evacuation of the
Ottoman soldiers and officials of the Island
in the month of November in 1898, the safe return of the Muslims to their
villages was granted. However by this time, the large portion of the Muslim
population, which had took shelter in, the coastal strip had already migrated
to Anatolia .
The Muslim migration to Anatolia,
which rapidly increased after 1896, not only affected the western and southern
coasts of Anatolia but also alarmed the Aegean Islands Rhodes and İstanköy[37],
suddenly towards the end of 1898 the population reached 1500[38].
In the December of 1898, it was informed to Istanbul
by the Province of Aydın that the number of immigrants coming to
Anatolia through Izmir
Because of the end of the Ottoman social
and cultural imprints along with the end of the Ottoman Muslim population, the
state deemed its objective as preventing migration. Firstly it financially assisted the
activities of the Aid Association of Crete Indigent Muslims. On the other hand,
it was decided that compensation would be provided for those who reclaimed
their property that was damaged during the revolts[40].
By this way, it was assumed that the financial relations with the Island would be revived.
Meanwhile the Greeks of Crete
announced “boykotaj” (boycotts) against the Muslim community as a
last strike in order to force the migration of the Muslims[41].
Boykotaj showed its effects rapidly between 1910-11 by causing the Muslim
population to fall under 30.000 (27.852 in 1911).
In 1913, after the establishment of
Greek sovereignty in the Island the last phase
for the Island Muslims was between 1914 and 1917. The siding of the Ottoman State
with Germany when the First
World War broke out obliterated the fractional harmony in the Island .
With the influence of the Greek immigrants coming from Anatolia ,
the Muslim minority was left under great pressure. Mosques, schools were invaded and the Muslim
cemetery in Chania was thrashed[42]. Consequently the right of living of the
Muslim minority in the Island was completely
eradicated. The inclusion of Crete in the 1924
Turkish-Greek exchange was a sign that this wound was still bleeding during the
time.
The Exchange process was the utmost
troubling event for the Muslim community in Crete just as it was for the
Muslims in Greece Island “Cemaat-ı İslamiye” should be mentioned. Just like
in Greece , the congregation
administration in Crete was operated under the
law of 1920/2345 and was in charge of the religious education and foundation
activities and the Mufti responsibilities for Muslims. During this period the
Congregation administration took over an important mission and tried to
collaborate with the Mixed Exchange Commission with the intention of relieving
the Muslim community and obtaining detailed information regarding the exchange
process[43].
The administrations of Cemaat-ı
Islamiye were on one hand trying to relieve the anxieties of the community and
on the other hand were dealing with the liquidation procedures of securities
and real estate belonging to the foundation and congregation administrations.
The immovables belonging to the foundations were subjected to liquidation
through liquidation appeals. Other goods and especially securities developed
into a large issue for congregation administrations. Valuables and movables
among objects like carpets, rugs, chandelier, furniture, belongings and books
were to be packaged and brought along. However the immovables had to be sold
through auction in a short period of time.
During the date the implementation
of exchange was realized, the Cemaat-ı İslamiye Administrations carried out the
activities of the foundations they were responsible for, meticulously. On the
other hand the properties of orphans under the responsibilities of the Cemaat-ı
İslamiye Administration had to be sold and their procedures of exchange had to
be prepared. The Congregation Administration warned the guardians delegated to
the orphans regarding this solution of issue without violating this article[44].
Also, in order to accomplish the exchange procedures for orphans and financially
unfortunate families, the travel expenses of these people were provided by the
congregation budgets as “extraordinary expenses”[45].
Thus until the last congregation member abandoned the region, the legal and
financial rights of the Muslim Turkish community were protected through all
efforts.
In conclusion, even though the
exchange treaties tore away millions from their homeland and pulled them into
uncertainty, in Crete this period appears as
an unavoidable end. For the reason that the escape of Muslims from Crete had started 50 years prior to the treaty. The
Exchange was not actually a beginning for the last remaining Muslim population
in Crete , but it was the final curtain of a
scene that had been recurring and experienced for fifty years.
* This
article was published in Common
Cultural Heritage, the Foundation of Lausanne Treaty Emigrants, 2005,
pp.208-215.
1 The judiciary records of Resmo can be
dated back to 1645. See: A. Nükhet Adıyeke/Nuri Adıyeke; “Newly Discovered in
Turkish Archives: Kadi Registers and Other Documents on Crete”, TURCICA, Tome:32, 2000, pp.447-463. The
oldest Crete judiciary record that was published by Nikos Stavrinidis dates
back to 1657. See: Nikolaou Sturinidou; MetafraseiV Tourkikwn Istorikwn Eggrafwn,
Vol.1 (1657-1672), Iraklion 1975.
[2] Regarding this subject,
Ayşe Nükhet Adıyeke, “The Religios Conversion Movements and Ethnic Evoloution
According to the 17th Century Crete (Resmo) Judiciary Records”, (In Turkish) XIV. Turkish History
Congress, typed paper
[3] Regarding this subject,
Nuri Adıyeke, “Mixed Marriages ın Crete”, (In Turkish), Kebikeç, Issue
16, 2003, pp.17-25.
[4] Tahmiscizade Mehmet Macit
Efendi, explains that many of the Crete Muslims who came to Turkey were
regarded as foreigners because they did not speak Turkish. Memories of Crete, (Pub. Edit: İsmet Miroğlu, İlhan Şahin), (In
Turkish) İstanbul, 1977, p. 32.
[5] Cuinet; La Turquie d'Asie, Vol.I, Paris 1892,
[6] Düstur I/1; Crete Provincial Regulations, I. Chapter, Gatherings of Mixed Cases, p.665.
[7] Cuinet; ibid, Vol.I, p.537.
[8] Bernard Lewis; The Emergence of Modern Turkey, Oxford
Universty Pres, London, 1961, p.420.
[9] Lewis, same place.
[10] Example: Kadi Register of
Rethimno, (KRR) no=56, between years of 1061-67; KRR., no=98, between years of 1075-91.
[11] “Towards 1760 while the
Muslim population was 200.000 the christian population was only 60.000.” Victor
Berard; Les Affaires de Crete, Paris
1900, p.63; "According to the traveler Savary in 1779 the island
population was 350.200-200.000 of these were Muslim, 150.000 christian and 200
were Jewish.” Vital Cuinet; ibid., p.540;
Kopasi, does not believe in the Validity of Savary’s numbers. According to him
the number given by another French traveler Olivier of the island in 1795,
240.000, must be more valid. Andrea
Kopasi; “Crete’s General Situation and History”, (In Ottoman Turkish) Mecmua-yı Ebuzziya, Vol.VII/65, p.911.
[12] "In 1834 the population majority belonged to the Greeks. According
to the numbers given by Pashley only
40.000 of the island 129.000 population is muslim.” Georges Perrot; L'Ile
de Crete-Souvenirs de Voyages, Paris 1867, p.253; "In the 1822 census there is a population of 266.000. After 10
years 60.700 were Muslim, and the rest 144.800 were Greek” Ahmet Rıfat; Dictionary of History and Geography, “Clause
of Crete”, (In Ottoman Turkish) Vol.VI, Istanbul 1300, p.81.
[13] Provincial Annual Records of Crete,
(Salname-i Vilayet-i Girid) 1293 (1876), (In Ottoman Turkish) p.131-132.
[14] Government Ottoman
Archive (BOA)., Y.E.E., envelope no=114, document no=2218, 21 March 1897.
[15] Venizelos, "10 Years Autonomy in
Crete", Khrux (Kiriks)11/24 May
1908 Ζωη Μητσοτακη; Ο Δημοσιογραφος Ελευθεριος Βενιζελος Στα
Χρονια Της Κρητης 1887-1910, Αθηνα ,1992, p.233.
[16] Ahenk (İzmir), 21 February 1912; F. Giese;
"Crete", The Encyclopeadia of
Islam, Vol.III, Lyden 1913, p.879. Svoronos'
writing
of Greeks Population and Census states
that this total is the result of the 1913 census.. Svoronos; Greek population
and Census, (In Turkish) Int. M. Galip, Ankara 1935, p.30.
[17] Ahenk (İzmir), same place.
[18] Cemal Tukin; "Crete
Revolutions in the Ottoman Empire and Crete until 1821", (In Turkish) Belleten, C.IX, issue: 24 (1945), p.174
etc.
[19] Orhan F. Köprülü;
"The Unknown Article of Master Yunus Bey: Publicizing Bektashi in
Crete", (In Turkish) Southeastern
European Research Review, Issue=8-9 (1979-1980), pp.37-86.
[20] İsmail Kara, “The
Mevlevihane of Hanya: The Şeyh Family Grant of the Annex”, (In Turkish) Islam Research Magazine, Issue:1, 1997,
pp.115-173.
[21] Provincial Annual Report of Crete; 1293, p.121-123; Ali Cevad; The Dictionary of History and Geography of
the Ottoman State, (In Ottoman Turkish) 3 volumes, İstanbul 1314, Vol.I,
p.319 and Vol.II, p.625.
[22] Ali Fuat Türkgeldi; Significant Works of Politics, Vol.III,
(In Turkish) Editor: Bekir S. Baykal, T.T.K. Pub., Ankara 1987 (2. edition),
Appendix, p.200-202.
[23] Provincial Annual Report of Crete; 1293, p.134-135.
[24] Provincial Annual Report of Crete; 1293, p.133-134.
[25] Provincial Annual Report of Crete; 1293, p.133; Cuinet; ibid., Vol.I, p.558;
Kopasi; ibid., Mecmua-yı Ebuzziya,
Vol.VIII/76, p.1427; Yolande Trıantafyllıdou, "L'Industrie du Savon en
Crete au XVIIIe Siecle: Aspects Economiques et Sociaux", Etudes Balkaniques, No= 4. Sofia 1975,
p.77 and p.82.
[26] The Soap Industry in this
context not only includes the production of soap locally and for usage in
homes, but also includes the factories in the town centers as an industry.
[27] Triantafyllidou; ibid,
p.77 and p.82.
[28] Turkgeldi; ibid, Vol.III, From the writings of Mahmud
Celaleddin Paşa, Appendix, p.197-198. For a
wide range of information about the social structure in Crete cooncerning
traditions: Leyla Saz; The Inner Face of
The Harem, (In Turkish) Editor. Sadi Borak, Milliyet Pub., 1974,
pp.283-295; Paul Combes, L'lle de Crete,
Paris 1897, p.107-109.
[29] "Starting from the XVIII. Century some of the Balkan towns that
got rich a) were capable of organizing an organized church and community, b)
were able to exclude themselves from the central governments control, c) were
able to commence a tradition of local administration due to the influence of
the city groups that became wealthy through business with Europeans."
İlber Ortaylı, The Local Administration
Tradition from the Tanzimat Perioad to the Era of the Republic, (In
Turkish) Istanbul 1985, p.17.
[30] Triantafyllidou; ibid, p.82.
[31] “In 21 May 1821, 1.400 armed Cretians member to the Filiki Eterya'ya were able to get organize for the first
time. " J.D. Mourellos; La Crete
Traves les Sciecles, Candia (no date), p.104.
[32] Ahmed Cevdet Paşa; History of Cevdet,
(In Turkish) Vol.XII. Istanbul 1309 (2. edition),
p.94-95; Mübahat Kütükoğlu; "The Attitude and Outcomes of the Island
Greeks During the Greek Revolt" (In
Turkish) III. Millitary History Seminar –
Turkish- Greek Relations, p.135 ve 139; Cemal Tukin; "Clause of
Crete", (In Turkish) Islam Ansiklopedisi, Vol.IV. p.796;
Mithat Işın; Crete and Turks in History,
(In Turkish) Deniz Mt., İstanbul 1945, p.50. Furthermore, see the following for
more imformation about the role of Crete and the period during the Greek
revolt. Iwannou Kondulakh, Istoria twn
Epanastasewn thV KrhthV, Athen 1901,
p.422 etc.
[33] BOA., YA Hus, 356-28.
[34] Johann Strauss, "The
Createn Muslims and Their Struggle for Ottomanism: Some Edvince from the
Periodical Press", V. Internation
Congress of Turkish Social and Economic History, Marmara University 1989,
T.T.K., Ankara 1990, p.56.
[35] BOA., İr. Girit, no=
1207, 8 April 1897.
[36] BOA., İr. Girit, no= 1244, 10 October 1897.
[37] BOA., İr. Girit, no= 1282, 26 May 1898.
[38] BOA., BEO., Collected Records of Crete, no= 1000/62-15, Tezkere
no=428, Rumi 1314 (1898); İr. Girit, no=1351,
27 November 1898.
[39] BOA., BEO., Summary Records of Crete, no=998/62-13, series nb=904,
Document no=157, 22 December 1898.
[40] BOA., BEO., Collected Records of Crete, no= 1001/62 16, series
no=24, Example no=1557, 31 August 1904.
[41] BOA., BEO., Collected Records of Crete, no= 1001/62-16, series
nb=27, Example no=1410, 2 October 1909; Ahenk
(İzmir); 31 August 1909; Yıldız (Üsküp); Issue= 26 (30 August 1325), p.7.
[42] Strauss; ibid, p.65
[43] General Directorate of Foundations Istanbul Regional Directorate
Archive, (VİBMA) journal no=642, Hanya Journal of Decision Summaries
belonging to the Administration of
Islamic Community, decision no=483, 11 November 1923.
[44] VİBMA, journal no=1288, Kandiye
Index of Decision Summary Journals belonging to the Administration of
Islamic Community, decision no=3048, 31 December 1923 ve 10 April 1924.
[45] VİBMA, journal no=642, Hanya Decision Summary Journal belonging to
the Administration of the Islamic Community, decision no=484, 11 November 1923.
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